As the economy slowed, consolidation remained a focus with larger utilities acquiring smaller companies to increase their customer base, create synergies and drive growth. Chinese outbound investments, primarily in Asia-Pacific countries, continued to rise. Renewable energy transactions gained momentum during with higher investor interest driven by energy mandates and policy support. The push for electrification in markets such as Indonesia is also fuelling the renewables and IPP markets.
Advanced Search Abstract Existing research on exceptionalism in foreign policy suggests a number of confrontational features making it a threat to peaceful international relations. As a prerequisite for comparative work, we establish two features common to all exceptionalist foreign policy discourses.
In essence, such discourses are informed by supposedly universal values derived from a particular civilization heritage or political history. In order to systematize different versions of exceptionalism, we then propose four ideal types, each of which reflects exceptionalism's common trait of a claim to moral superiority and uniqueness but diverges across other important dimensions, with implications for its potentially offensive character.
The article concludes by formulating a research agenda for future comparative work on exceptionalist foreign policy discourses and their repercussions for great power relations and global politics.
Most of these studies, especially contemporary ones on American exceptionalism since the G.
Bush presidency, suggest a number of confrontational features Hodgson ; Monten ; Nabers ; Nayak and Malone ; Patman ; Wheeler ; Widmaier Consider Holsti's definition of an exceptionalist foreign policy consisting of five criteria: Contemporary American exceptionalism has largely been read as informed by both the historical belief in America's exceptional character since the first puritan settlements on the continent, as well as by its global superpower standing since the end of WWII Holsti ; McCrisken ; Onuf Regardless of whether the United States is truly unique or not, to study American exceptionalism as constitutive of US foreign policy is regarded as meaningful essentially because of these two traits: It is therefore not surprising that so far the scant IR-literature on exceptionalism in contemporary foreign policy beyond the United States has mostly started to consider Chinese exceptionalism.
However, as we show in what follows, several other countries apart from the United States and China do have a long history of exceptionalist discourses. These foreign policy discourses have hardly ever been looked at comparatively, despite both their family resemblance and relevance for debates on international politics in a world composed of ever more self-confident foreign policy actors outside the transatlantic orbit.
In contrast to the prevalent understanding of US exceptionalism, we argue that exceptionalism is not confrontational, unilateralist, or exemptionalist per se.
Although not independent from the capacity to project material and social power abroad, we also challenge the assumption that exceptionalism is only and naturally a feature of great or rising powers.
The article proceeds in four steps. First, by drawing from existing literature on exceptionalism in foreign policy, we propose criteria according to which one can compare exceptionalist foreign policy discourses both within and across states.
Whereas all exceptionalist discourses by definition refer to a certain moral superiority that legitimates their foreign policy, they differ across two key dimensions: Exceptionalisms are either of a missionary or exemplary character. Moreover, exceptionalist discourses can be either exemptionalist or nonexemptionalist.
In a second step we propose four ideal types of exceptionalism. Third, we illustrate our ideal types by looking at exceptionalist foreign policy discourses in the United States, China, India, and Turkey.
Fourth, we draw conclusions regarding exceptionalist foreign policy discourses concerning both their domestic sources and implications for global politics. Finally, we delineate core elements of a future research agenda on comparative exceptionalism.
Conceptualizing Exceptionalist Foreign Policy Discourse We conceptualize exceptionalism as foreign policy discourse that is part of a society's debates around its identity as a nation.
Exceptionalist discourse expresses a paradoxical relationship between universality and particularity: Especially with regard to foreign policy statements, uttering them is practically enacting foreign policy. Foreign policy discourse functions as a set of rules, structure, or frame of intelligibility that is both constraining and enabling in that it makes certain courses of action necessary, desirable, and possible and others unacceptable or inconceivable Epstein In other words, it implies engaging in some types of external action and not others Browning While we understand all exceptionalist discourses as a form of identity construction, not all identity construction is necessarily exceptionalist, nor do we find exceptionalist elements in every country's foreign policy discourse see below.
Although certain kinds of exceptionalism may be unique to individual states in historical periods in time, exceptionalism as foreign policy discourse is not. Much to the contrary, as our cases illustrate, their family resemblance demands comparisons throughout history and across cases and world regions.
Exceptionalist discourse expresses a peculiar link between a state's foreign policy and its self-understanding as a unique society or civilization that is related to some form of higher order revelation or spiritual or otherworldly character.
This link is peculiar because it establishes uniqueness as a foundation for, first, a conviction of moral superiority over virtually every other society, based on which the self-ascribed exceptionalist state pursues an allegedly universal common good in its foreign policy conduct.
Second, exceptionalism based on uniqueness implies the belief in an exceptional state's disposition as impossible to be replicated by others. This interplay between uniqueness or particularity and universality is what constitutes the paradox of exceptionalism:Americans found in the U.S.
media, the “Yellow Peril,” the perpetual foreigner, the model minority, and problematic representations of gender and sexuality. In the U.S. media, Asians and Asian Americans are greatly underrepresented. Understanding the health beliefs of patients of Asian origin living in the UK is important for successful healthcare delivery.
Approximately 2 million people in the UK reported that they were of Indian, Pakistani or Bangladeshi origin in the census, representing % of the UK population and making up the largest ethnic minority group. Sep 25, · Watch video · When Asian immigrants first came to America en masse in the mids, the popular media often portrayed them as scoundrels, degenerates, and job-stealers.
But some time after World War II, public opinion shifted. Asian Americans were suddenly praised in newspapers and magazines as positive examples of family .
Yesterday I wrote about the trailer for JK Rowling’s new multi-part background pieces on Pottermore, entitled “Magic in North America.” You should read the post here if you need initiativeblog.com before that, back in June, I wrote about my concerns with the bringing of the “magic universe” to the States.
The media landscape for Asian-American actors and actresses has changed significantly since Hayakawa’s time, and not always for the better. Hayakawa experienced negative typecasting as a result of his race in the post-World War II America. Jan 04, · The model minority myth is ― well ― a myth, as a new study on wealth inequality among Asian-Americans shows.
The Center for American Progress (CAP), released a .